A HACKER MANIFESTO [version ] McKenzie Wark Manifestation. There is a double spooking the world, the double of abstraction. The fortunes of states. Buy A Hacker Manifesto on ✓ FREE SHIPPING on qualified orders. In the widespread revolt against commodified information, Wark sees a utopian promise, beyond property, and a new progressive class, the hacker class, who.

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I define it as making things accessible while circumventing the laws that insulate privilege; manitesto can be a useful tool for achieving the conditions necessary for sustaining the social justice myth. They desire an education that contains at least education some knowledge, but often conceived of in terms of oppor- tunity for work.

The vectoral class may commodify information stocks, flows, or vectors themselves. These struggles leave their traces in the historical form of the state, which maintains the domination of the ruling class interest and at the same time adjudicates among the representatives of competing classes. What accelerates the dispossession of hacket peasantry is successive agricultural hacks, which increase the produc- tive power of agricultural labor, creating a vast surplus of wealth.

When unfettered it releases the latent capacities of all things and people, objects and subjects.

A Hacker Manifesto by McKenzie Wark

The hacker interest is not in mass representa- tion, but in a more abstract politics that expresses the pro- ductivity of differences. Laura Lee rated it liked it Aug 28, Information — in the commodified form of commu- nication — becomes the governing metaphor for the world precisely because it dominates it in actuality.

But most remain workers, even though they work with information rather than cotton or metal. Capital’s profits rest on mechanically reproducible means of production, its factories and inventories. Through the instrument of scarcity and the hierarchical ra- tioning of education, workers are persuaded to see educa- tion much as the ruling class would have them see it — as a privilege.


When the hackeg ruling class preaches the necessity of an education it invari- ably means an education in necessity.

Property comes in many forms, and there are antagonisms [i8il between these forms, and yet one form of property may be exchanged for another, as all forms of property belong to the same abstract plane. Unlike farmers and workers, hackers have not — yet — been dispossessed of their property rights entirely, but manicesto must sell their capacity for abstraction to manifesfo class that owns the means of production, the vectoraUst class — the emergent ruling class of our time.

A Hacker Manifesto – Wikipedia

The gift becomes a marginal form of property, everywhere invaded by the commodity, and turned towards mere consumption. Occasionally the book’s writing trips over itself as a result its cleverness, and it would do well to ground itself in examples although the examples are pretty obvious when reading in the contemporary milieu. Thus pastoralism begets capitalism. Either way, property becomes the stake in war, struggle for the producing classes as much as for the prop- erty owning classes.

What is “efficient” for the vectoraUst class may im- pede the development of the surplus, and thus the virtuaUty of history. Since information is crucial to the hack itself, the privatization of information is not in the interests of the hacker class.

Regressive politics brings together luddite impulses from the left with racist and reactionary impulses from the right in an unholy alliance against new sources of power. A likeness differs of necessity from what it represents.


The hacker class has a close affinity with the gift economy. The useful surplus goes into expanding the realm of freedom wrested from necessity.

All eark is false. As land, capital and information are progressively ab- II stracted as property, property itself becomes more abstract. Each ruling class in turn drives the world towards ever more abstract ends. Hackers tend to ally at each turn with the more abstract form of property and commod- ity relation. As capital frees land from its spatial fixity, information as property frees capital from its fixity in a particular object.

Ours is a world that ventures blindly into the new with its fingers crossed. The elements of a free productivity exist already in an atomised form, in the productive classes. Lacking pagination, the book is laid out hzcker numbered paragraphs, following the structure of Guy Debord’s Situationist tract Society of the Spectacle, an acknowledged predecessor. Capital is the secondary form of property, the privatisation of productive assets in the form of tools, machines and working materials.

Adding yet more representations to the heap of history’s goods, even representations of manifestp oppressed and excluded, does nothing if it does not challenge the separa- tion of history as representation from the great productive forces that make history in the first place.